Комментарии:A Western isogloss. If Sukhebaatar (212) is right in deriving the Mong. form < Tib. phye-mar `flour and butter', the existence of this Altaic root becomes rather dubious.
Комментарии:Irregular tone and vowel in Korean may suggest a possibility of loan ( < OJ tasi). Cf. also Mong. tasija 'lie' ( > Man. tašan, tašara- etc., see Doerfer MT 119).
Комментарии:A Western isogloss. See Дыбо 7, Лексика 154. The parallel seems probable, but PT should rather have a closed *ẹ. There may have been some confusion between this root and another one, represented by PT *Tagɨ 'female kulan' (OT taɣɨ, see EDT 466; Bulg. toxǝ 'horse') and borrowed in (or corresponding to?) Mong. taki 'wild horse'.
Комментарии:A rare case of high tone in a verbal stem in Korean. The unmistakable identity of PM *telej = PTM *tōli suggests that the association of Mong. teleji 'belt' with tele- 'to spread' is secondary, due to the merger of the roots *t`i̯ā̀lo and *t`ḗlù q. v.
Комментарии:A Western isogloss. MMong. may be < Turkic (though not necessarily); a Mongolian source is probable for Chag. tälgän, Nogh. dial. telegen, KKalp. telegen, see Лексика 534-535 with literature.
Комментарии:Владимирцов 208, Poppe 13, 47, PKE 222, KW 386. Mong. cannot be < Turk., despite TMN 2, 429, Щербак 1997, 153 (although the vowel correspondence is not quite satisfactory: one would expect -e- in Mong.).
Комментарии:Владимирцов 272. Cf. *tā́p`V, *t`ĕ̀p`a (with a possibility of mergers). The Turk. variant *dēp- is secondary, probably under the influence of *dāp- < *tā́p`V, but may be rather old: cf. the match PT *dep-se- : PM *deb-se- 'to stamp, tramp' (a secondary loan is hardly possible in this case).
Комментарии:KW 380, 387, Poppe 62, Мудрак 181. Jpn. reflects a suffixed form *t`i̯òr(a)-gV (cf. Mong. tari-jan). Cf. *tăra: if PT *dạrɨ-g 'millet' is derived from this root, then Mong. *tarija-n should be considered a Turkism, and the reconstruction should be emended to *tVra.
Комментарии:Within Jpn. the form is analysed as a compound *ta 'hand' + *suka- 'help', which is probably a folk etymology in view of the external evidence; cf. especially Kor. thas which points to *tasVh- = Jpn. *tàsùkà-. Not quite clear is the position of several forms: WMong. tos- 'to receive, encounter' (maybe, following Clark 1980, 41 < Turk. *dūĺ- 'to meet' - although the latter is certainly borrowed as WMong. tus- 'to hit upon, fall to one's share', so this would be a somewhat unusual etymological doublet); Manchu tusu- 'to marry, celebrate marriage' (could be a Mong. loanword, but the semantics is strikingly different). Finally there is MKor. tā̆sk- 'to love, like'. This evidence suggests a possibility of a separate PA root *t`oso (*t`osu) 'to present to the guest, to celebrate'; but a possibility of later interdialectal loans of the reflexes of *t`i̯ŏ̀so should also be considered.
